First Glimpse: An Initial Examination of Subjects Who Have Rejected their Recovered Visualizations as False MemoriesEric L. Nelson and Paul Simpson*ABSTRACT: Recently, questions have been raised regarding the validity of "memories" of abuse which were not remembered until intervention techniques were used to "recover" them. A growing number of people are rejecting their visualizations as false memories. This exploratory study gathered demographic information and characteristics of some common experiences from a sample of these people. Reports of group members sharing flashbacks are disturbing, and group contagion is likely. Survivor books, movies, and videotapes appear to play a role in producing visualizations. The media may also contribute to distortion and confabulation in memories. Litigation by retractors appears high. It is necessary to distinguish between visualizations, historical memories, and fantasy. People who seek psychotherapy present for a number of reasons (Rogers, 1992). Some practitioners may suspect that repressed memories of childhood abuse are actually the cause of a patient's problems. Some of these practitioners specialize in recovery of "repressed memories" (Gardner, 1992). A number of intervention techniques are used to uncover "repressed memories," including hypnosis, trance writing, guided imagery, suggestion, body work, psychodrama, regression, sodium Amytal, and other means (Wakefield & Underwager, 1992; Lynn, Milano, & Weekes, 1991). Questions have been raised regarding the validity of "memories" of abuse which were never remembered until intervention techniques were used to recover them (Stephenson, 1993). Recently, the popular media has reported on people who have rejected their recently recovered "memories" of abuse as false memories. The development of pseudomemories has been linked to a number of independent factors. Many studies have suggested that pseudomemory development is associated with hypnosis (AMA Panel) 1985; Gardner, 1992; Labelle, Laurence, Nadon, & Perry, 1990; Sheehan, Statham, & Jamieson, 1991), hypnotizability (Barnier & McConkey, 1992; Ganaway, 1992), contextual variables (Sheehan, Statham, & Jamieson, 1991), misleading post event information or suggestion (Tversky & Tuchin, 1989; Zaragoza & Koshmider, 1989), source monitoring errors (Lindsay, 1990), regression (AMA Panel, 1985; Loftus, 1993; Lynn, Milano, & Weekes, 1991; Sheehan, Statham, & Jamieson, 1991), stereotypes (Sachau & Hussang, 1992), instructional conditions (Cramer & Eagle, 1972), memory reprocessing (Loftus & Hoffman, 1989), fantasy proneness (Lynn & Rhue, 1988; Ganaway, 1992; Rhue & Lynn, 1987), leading questions (Brainerd & Reyna, 1988; Campbell, 1992; Loftus, 1975), search for confirmation of hunches (Loftus, 1993), and contagion (Brent, et al., 1989; Crandall, 1988; Gould & Shaffer, 1986; Kaminer, 1986; Klerman, 1987; Miller, Stiff, & Ellis, 1988; Rosen & Walsh, 1989; Walsh & Rosen, 1985). Once developed, false memories may feel subjectively real to the person; several research studies have indicated that pseudomemories can be confidently reported as fact (Tversky & Tuchin, 1989; Zaragoza & Koshmider, 1989). However, a growing number of people are rejecting their recovered "memories" of abuse as false. The purpose of this exploratory study was to gather some initial demographic information, as well as identif~ characteristics of the common experiences of a sample of these persons. This study presents information concerning the development of the abuse memories as well as the subsequent rejection of the visualizations. Method An initial questionnaire was mailed to a group of persons who had identified themselves to the False Memory Syndrome Foundation (FMSF) as retractors, or people who have developed abuse memories that they later rejected as false. The FMSF was not a party to this pilot study, but they did address and mail envelopes forwarded to them by the researchers. No portion of the questionnaire, cover letter, or envelopes identified the FMSB A pre-posted, pre-addressed return envelope was enclosed, addressed to "Research Project," with a San Diego, California P0. Box address given. The questionnaires were 2 pages in length, and consisted of 5 demographic questions, 10 questions related to therapy, 2 questions related to the level of training of therapists(s), and a final open-ended question for the respondents to add any comments. An attempt was made to neutrally balance the questions. Based upon the results of this pilot study questionnaire, a telephone survey was developed which incorporated most of the questions from the questionnaire, as well as a number of additional questions. The telephone survey consisted of 5 demographic questions and 23 questions related to memory recovery and visualizations. An effort was made to neutrally balance the questi9ns. The list of the questions presented to the subjects in the telephone survey is contained in Appendix A. Inclusion of subjects in the main study was based upon their indication that they had "recovered repressed memories," which they subsequently rejected as false. The subjects were located by probing an informal network of people reporting similar experiences related to memory recovery. Many of the subjects provided phone numbers for other "retractors." Only three of the subjects were known to have been in the same therapy group or to have been treated by the same practitioner(s). Most stated that they only knew one or two other retractors and none provided more than three referrals to other retractors. Although it wasn't formally measured, most of the subjects appeared to have met each other over the phone, through the mail, or through computer bulletin boards and conferences. Unlike the pilot study, the subjects in the main study were not located with the assistance of the False Memory Syndrome Foundation. Since the pilot study was done blindly, and the identity of the respondents was unknown, the researchers are unaware if any of the subjects in the main study were also contacted in the pilot study. With this procedure, 26 persons were identified as having rejected their visualizations of abuse as false memories; 23 women and 3 men. The phone numbers for 25 subjects were obtained, 20 of whom were successfully contacted. One male subject did not have a telephone, and a letter to him went unanswered. Repeated attempts were made to reach the other 5 female and 1 male subjects, without success; therefore the telephone survey was completed by 19 females, and 1 male. Results The subject characteristics are shown in Table 1 at the end of the paper. In total, the subjects were from 13 states and one foreign country (Canada). Ages ranged from 18 to 48, with the average being 35.55. Six subjects were married, 3 were divorced, 2 were remarried, 8 were single, and 1 was separated. Sixteen (80%) of the subjects have attended college, with a mean number of years in college of 2.55. Eight subjects (40%) had at least a bachelor's degree, and four (20%) had post-graduate degrees. Nineteen subjects report that the development of visualizations was influenced by their former therapist(s). One subject never participated in therapy; all of her visualizations occurred after reading the book, The Courage Th Heal. Eight of these 19 subjects have filed lawsuits against their therapist(s). Of the lawsuits filed, 3 have settled and 5 are currently pending. Four subjects are in the process of filing a lawsuit, 1 is considering filing a lawsuit, 1 was prevented from filing due to exceeding the statute of limitations, and 5 have decided not to sue. Therefore, overall the litigation rate is 63% (8 filed, 4 being filed out of 19 subjects). The subjects were asked, "Was there ever a time when the memories weren't remembered?" All stated that "the memories" had not been remembered prior to intervention. Sixteen (80%) of the 20 subjects stated that their visualizations were first recovered in individual therapy, 3 (15%) first experienced their visualizations while hospitalized and 1 (5%) subject did not participate in therapy. This subject experienced all of her visualizations after reading The Courage To Heal. None of the subjects first experienced visualizations while in group therapy. Table 2 lists the memory recovery techniques reported. Almost all (90%) of the subjects reported the use of one or more trance induction techniques in the elicitation of visualizations. Techniques used included hypnosis (85%), regression (30%), trance writing (15%), sodium Amytal (15%), relaxation/imagery work (5%), and dream work (5%). Non-trance induction techniques reported by subjects included suggestion of abuse by therapists or group members (85%), pressure to remember abuse by therapists or group members (70%), reading recovery or abuse related books (70%), sharing flashbacks of abuse among group members (60%), watching videotapes or movies related to recovery or abuse (50%), attending seminars related to recovery or abuse (20%), taking psychotropic medication (15%), intentional confabulation (10%), and empty chair work (10%). Methods listed one time each included prayer, laying on of hands, sleep deprivation, relaxation, psychodrama, dream work, rage reduction, and raging. The Development of Visualizations in Individual Therapy Four subjects (20%) reported that 100% of their visualizations developed in individual therapy. Overall the average percentage of visualizations reported to have developed in individual therapy ranged from 25% to 100%, with an average of 58.8% of the subject's total visualizations reported as occurring in individual therapy. Different subjects commented:
The Development of Visualizations in Group Therapy Though none of the subjects reported experiencing their initial visualization in group therapy, 14 subjects reported that some of their subsequent visualizations occurred while participating in group therapy. The percentage of visualizations the subjects estimated that developed in group therapy ranged from 1% to 70%, with a average of 24.5%. Comments from different subjects demonstrate how the group encouraged and reinforced the development of abuse memories:
Effects of Group Contagion In analyzing the data, we observed an interesting phenomenon-the possible effects of group contagion upon the development of similar or nearly identical memories by group members. All but one of the 14 subjects who developed visualizations in group therapy reported that similar or identical memories were shared by group members. In response to the question, "Were any of the memories which were recovered in group by different members similar or identical to each other?", subjects gave responses such as, "Oh yes, about 50%," 'About 50-60%," "Oh yes-all the time, 25% of them," "Definitely, it was really bizarre and weird," "Oh yeah, oh yeah, very similar," and "Yes, 85%." Different subjects commented:
Effects of Movies, Videos, and Books Fourteen subjects reported the influence of books, with 11 stating that books actually triggered visualizations; the 11 subjects reported that an average of 33.9% of their total visualizations were elicited by reading abuse or recovery related books. The most frequently cited book was The Courage to Heal which was mentioned by 11 subjects. Other books were mentioned, including Michelle Remembers, Sybil, The Rabbit Howls, Satan Seller Toxic Parents, and Secret Survivors (see Table 3). Ten subjects reported the influence of videos and movies, with 7 stating that videos or movies triggered visualizations; these 7 subjects reported that an average of 16.62% of their visualizations were elicited by watching videos or movies related to abuse or recovery. The more frequently named movies or videos included Sybil, various videotapes on satanic ritual abuse (SRA), Three Faces of Eve, the Oprah Winfrey show, and The Rabbit Howls (see Table 4). Several different subjects commented on the effects of books and movies/videos:
The Media Distortion-Confabulation Effect An interesting phenomenon was noted with three of the subjects who reported that they had traced specific visualizations to scenes from either a book which they had read, or a movie which they had seen. One stated:
Two other subjects, living 1500 miles from each other, neither of whom have ever met, reported developing the same visualization, which they subsequently traced to the movie Sybil. They each independently reported that they reprocessed a scene in which Sybil's mother gives her a cold enema, replacing their own mothers for Sybil's, and themselves as Sybil. In another example, the subject reported that she reprocessed a scene from the movie Deranged, in which a deer is gutted, replacing the actors in the film with members of her family. Doubts About the "Memories" When asked if they ever doubted the memories, all of the subjects reported that they did, with regular frequency. Comments from different subjects include:
Other Comments by Subjects Asked if they had any general statements or information to add, the subjects were provided with a final, open-ended opportunity to comment. Most did. Here are some of the comments:
Discussion Child abuse occurs. The purpose of this study is not to question that well-established fact. This study was limited to the collection and analysis of reports of individuals who state that they developed visualizations of abuse which they later rejected as false memories. This study has limited application. The data collected is anecdotal in nature. A comparison group was not considered. The findings may not generalize to the entire population of people who have experienced recovered memory therapy. Certainly further study and clarification is indicated. One item which was fascinating to the authors was the possible operation of contagion among some participants in recovered memory therapy, especially in a group setting. In reviewing the literature we discovered that there has been some limited psychological investigation into the effects of contagion upon group behavior. Klerman (1987) noted that social contagion Is indicated in mini-epidemics or clusters of suicide, on both the local and national level. Other researchers have also noted the effects of contagion in creating suicide epidemics (Brent, et al., 1989; Davidson & Gould, 1988; Gould & Shaffer, 1986; Kaminer, 1986). Contagion has been noted to be a factor in epidemics of self-mutilation (Rosen & Walsh, 1989; Walsh & Rosen, 1985), occupational burn out (Miller, Stiff, & Ellis, 1988), binge eating (Crandall, 1988), and workplace hysteria (Kerckhoff & Black, 1968). A possible media distortion effect was noted in three subjects who reported reconstructing scenes from movies or books, erroneously concluding that the visualizations were their own historically valid memories. Two of the three accused their mothers of atrocities based upon these visualizations. Further research into this area of confabulation should prove quite interesting. The report by several subjects of sharing flashbacks in group for the purpose of eliciting visualizations is of grave concern. Also of concern are reports that some therapists may validate visualizations of abuse as historical memories without any effort to determine if, in fact, the visualizations are true. This same criticism can be applied to research such as that reported by Briere and Conte (1989) and Herman and Schatzow (1987) in which no effort was made to independently confirm the stories of victimization reported by subjects. This study did not attempt to confirm or disconfirm the reports of subjects regarding their experiences in developing visualizations. For those involved in litigation their reports of false memory development while in therapy will certainly be investigated. This is an initial effort to examine a recently emerging population. Further research efforts should include attempts to develop procedures for confirmation or disconfirmation of reported abuse. Conclusions The term memory" has generally been used to describe what actually are a number of different experiences. We suggest that reports of abuse not previously remembered should be classified as visualizations until such time as they are confirmed as historical memories, disconfirmed as fantasy, or are found to be a combination of the two. It is impossible, based solely upon the report of a visualization, to determine whether or not it represents a historical memory, a fantasy, or a combination of both. The confidence of a person reporting a visualization as fact (historical memory) is not a predictor of the accuracy of their report (Tversky & Tuchin, 1989; Zaragoza & Koshmider, 1989). It appears that recovered memory practices have circumvented the thorough, empirical, and cautious methods of scientific validation. Clinical observations, empirical research, and logical analysis are important components to a thorough investigation of any therapeutic technique. 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