Angels of Antichrist
ABSTRACT: The Nordic child protection system is resulting in
parenthood being taken over by the state. The roots of this movement and
its results in Sweden are examined. The social authorities' subjective
interpretations of "the best interest of the child" means that
children can be placed in foster care on the basis of purely subjective
opinions. This constitutes a serious threat to kinship and is
destructive to the welfare of children.
In 1897, the first female Nobel Prize winner in literature, Selma
Lagerlöf from Sweden, wrote in her novel Antikrists mirakler ("The
Miracles of Antichrist") that socialism is the disguise
of Antichrist, conceived as the power of evil in the mask of goodness. Lagerlöf, however, also described women as helping poor people on a
voluntary basis while bearing the growing idea of socialism in their
hearths. She ended the novel in an optimistic mood, saying that we need
not fear Antichrist if we just put the picture of him beside the picture
The simple Sicilian women in Lagerlöf's novel, following in the
footsteps of the Good Samaritan, showed no signs of evil, but were
certainly part of a movement which should become the most widespread
political force ever. The question, however, remains: is it an evil one?
A hundred years later, in 1993, another well-known Swedish novelist,
Bible-translator, and professor, Agneta Pleijel wrote a "letter to
Selma Lagerlöf" in the magazine Moderna Tider ("Modern
Times") in which she asked, "What are we doing to our
children?" She was concerned over how limited she, as a parent, was
in raising her own children, because her parenthood had been taken over
by the social state in the sense that the state had ultimately the
complete responsibility and say over her children. From a will to help
the poor, there had evolved a professional and legal centrally
administrated compulsion. What would Lagerlöf had thought about it?
The work in the caring area is still mostly done by women, but now
professionally and in a much wider context than ever before. The little
child of Antichrist in Lagerlöf's novel has grown up and is now the
strongest factor of peoples' social lives in Sweden and, in fact, is a
serious threat against biological kinship and even against religion in
its most primordial meaning. The word "religion" can be traced
to Latin re- "back" and ligare "tie," i.e. kinship
tied back in the form of ancestor worship. Kinship can therefore be seen
as the main element in binding the society together and religion as the
form in which this is done. Today, the base upon which most child
protection laws stand is the view that "the child is an independent
subject of its own rights" (the Finnish child protection law of
1984) and hence stands in opposition to kinship systems and religion. The text could also be translated, "the helpless and kinless
subject of bureaucrats' arbitrariness."
"In the Best Interest of the Child"
"In the best interest of the child" in the Nordic child
protection law ultimately implies that the child has to be protected by
the authorities against the parents/relatives, and not vice versa. It
also implies that the interpretation of "the best interest of the
child" is to be made by the authorities. In doing this, the
authorities are supposed to use experts of their own choosing.
The Swedish child protection law concludes (LVU par. 2) that, except
for physical, psychological or sexual abuse and/or neglect, the decision
for taking a child into the custody of the authorities could also rest
on "... some other conditions in the home" which could cause a
"manifest risk" regarding the "development" of the
child." As an example of such a kind of risk, "pathological
symbiotic relationship" is mentioned.
In fact, as one female (most of them are) representative for the
National Social Welfare Board put it, "It is enough if one thinks
that the child is at risk in the future." Unfortunately, most
of the research results (especially the quantitative ones), indicate
that the most obvious risk for the child is its position as a resource
for the bureaucracy.
Furthermore, the Nordic law states that "the home could be every
place the child has reached when it is, directly or indirectly, under
the custody of its parents." In other words, if anything happens
whatsoever, the parents could be blamed and the child taken into the
custody of the social authorities. Unfortunately, most people are not
aware of this aspect of the law. They are even less aware that, even if
the parents are not found guilty or blamed, the child could still be
abducted. This latter method has become quite popular in Sweden because
it confuses the desperate parents and the bureaucrat does not need to
prove them guilty of anything other than the fact that they apparently
do not understand the needs of their child. Who mentioned Kafka?
Technically, the Swedish system now, after some controversies in the
80s, provides the necessary legal possibilities for parents to appeal
against court decisions. The problem is the term "in the best
interest of the child," which also could be named a "general
clause without content," as barrister Lennart Hane used to put it. Hane has, since the early 70s, been the most powerful Swedish defender
of parents' legal rights in the juridical practice. Another is
pediatrician Siv Westerberg, who became a lawyer when she recognized how
many children were abducted when they visited hospitals for injuries
which, in her opinion, in no way could have been caused by the parents. She has been quite successful in the European Commission, and her most
well known case is Olsson vs. Sweden which now has reached reference
status. On the other hand, the European Commission and Court are under
strong pressure from child protection lobbyists and there are already
signs indicating a more "Swedish" attitude.
The Swedish social law thus provides endless possibilities for
abducting children from their homes, not only because of the quality of the home or child neglect or
abuse, but also because some "expert" (they are all trained in
a school system based on a psychodynamic view) declares there could be
some non-specified risk for the child's development in the future
because of "something in the home or because of the special
characteristics of the parents." These "special
characteristics" could, for example, include a too warm and close
relationship between family members or a refusal to place the children
in the community's day care or school. Even criticisms against these
institutions can easily end up in a tragedy for the family. Such
subjective reasons are, contrary to other countries, the most common
ones in Sweden.
Actions severing family bonds takes the form not only of taking
children into the custody of the state, but also, which worried Pleijel
(1993) above, of marginalizing parenthood by an increasing amount of
aggressive interventions by the social state in matters of rearing. What
has been forgotten in legalization of these efforts "in the best
interest of the child," is the child's right to continuity with
regard to its family and relatives. The legal transformation of the
Nordic child from belonging to its family and relatives to a position as
an "independent legal subject" without any legal support to
secure its right to belong to where it comes from, is as far you can get
from ethnic religiosity. Kinship is thus unknown to the present day
Swedish law. This fact, however, is unknown to most of the people in the
Social-Democratic Party Reforms and Kinship Bonds
The builder of the "People's Home" in Sweden has been the
social-democratic party. They have ruled this rich and sparsely
populated country most of this century. When they came into power, the
Swedes were already to some extent prepared for weaker kinship ties
because of the famous partition reform in 1827 which blasted the kinship
villages away and populated the country with scattered farms with
limited connections with each other. This process, in turn, opened the
way for organizations like Free Churches and the Temperance league, and
at a later stage, the socialistic trade unions. Papakostas (1995) has
made an interesting comparison regarding the urbanization process in
Sweden and Greece. He shows how the Greeks, without losing their connections to their home villages, moved along
kin-routes to the cities while the Swedes moved alone and without
possibilities to go back because they had no right to the land.
In the 30s, Swedish social-democrats gave a lot of attention to
"social hygiene" and how to take care of children. Most famous
of these was perhaps Alva Myrdal, who later was accused by her son Jan
of neglecting him when he was a child. Though at first hesitantly,
Swedish social-democrats also adopted psychoanalytic theory as a major
element in their ideology. For the social-democratic, as well as for the
feminist movement, demolishing authoritarian phenomena was important. These two groups finally met in the family, where the feminists shot the
patriarch while the socialists took the children.
The continuing weakening of kinship bonds is now the result of the
combined efforts of feminists and centralized social state power. The
Swedish social democrats want to transfer funds to the social state
while at the same time reducing child and home aid, but are unwilling to
discuss current statistics about poverty in Sweden. At the same time,
the social army of approximately 300,000 workers (in a population of 8.8
million) has never been questioned. The main reform of social democracy
in the last decade has been the escape from the production sector while
investing even more actively in the social sector. This policy is
sometimes called the "Carlsson line" (after the Swedish prime
minister); it could also be termed "social socialism."
Ingvar Carlsson proudly talks about the future European Union as a
"social democratic project." Social democrats must support
employment (especially the traditional type most common in the public
sector) and today this is the basis of survival for the social
democratic party. But what are the consequences for the individual? The Carlsson line seems to lead directly to a future (Brave New World?) in
which everyone lives separated from their biological children by
employment and public care. This burning question should at least be
discussed before we find ourselves in a no escape situation.
One of the most important Swedish social-democratic ideologists over
a long period, Tage Lindblom, concludes in his biography Omprövning
("Reconsideration" 1983) that socialism, instead of giving
birth to the new man, ended up as centralized state power with no real democratic relationship between state and
people, a manner of ruling not far from dictatorship. "Paradoxically, free, equal and self-realizing man was destroyed in
the system which was built to create him/her."
It is important to recognize the difference between politics where
the main effort is to change society, and politics that are conservative
and where interest in social political issues is virtually nil. This is
the main problem of the right but the major weapon of the left. Political parties from the right wing "mutate" to the left in
the area of social politics. This "mutation" occurs mainly
with the women in the party.
Citizen salary (negative income tax) on a low level, combined with a
system of compulsory health insurance could be the answer to the
problematic aspects but has traditionally been avoided in the politics
of the right. In the future, however, it will become necessary to choose
between a conformist, socialistic social state and a pluralistic society
where no one would be completely without money, health care, and
education (Klevius 1992).
Most of the foster children in Sweden are transferred to foster homes
without any connection to their biological homes. This tendency has
become even stronger lately, despite evidence demonstrating the benefits
of foster care by relatives. Vinnerljung (1993) observes that social
workers try to make the system more professional by avoiding placement
In a recent and quite remarkable study, Flinn and England (1995) have
shown how reduced kinship ties in the rearing environment increases
children's stress as measured as cortisol levels. The results are
impressive and support closer and more extensive kinship ties and warn
against leaving the child without such ties. With all respect for the
study, I am convinced an Aborigine or a Bushman knew this thousands of
Thus, as my own observations in Sweden and Finland (which in
sociopolitical matters is a straight but slightly delayed copy of
Sweden) has indicated, the social state creates its own problems in a
way beyond all conceptions of human rights. It may be noted, for
example, that Finnish female officials used to seriously maintain that, "the best thing for children is if we pull them
up with their roots and replant them." Today this statement is
offered as a proposed bill to the Finnish parliament. Another proposal
would make it much harder to have children restored to their families
(after child protection investigations) than to take them into state
custody. At the same time, there are eight "experts" (social
workers, therapists and psychologists) accused in the court of Helsinki
for torture and kidnapping of a 5-year-old child (the famous Niko case
[Ristoja & Ristoja, 1996]). It is the first of its kind.
A further proposal in Finland will make it easier for the authorities
to isolate pregnant women suspected of living in a way which could be
harmful to the unborn child (the formulation does not say
"her" child — the child is seen as the property of the state). In my opinion this can hardly be in accord with the spirit and intention
of the European Convention or of the UN Human Rights Convention.
Gender Segregation and the Influence of Fathers
The God of Moses was the god (father, ancestor) of a national group
based on kinship. For the Hellenistic Jews in Diaspora, God represented
a continuing tradition still emphasizing family and kinship values. Christianity, with its emphasis on a private God, was a step outside
biology. The development of modern protestant Christianity has been in a
direction of even less emphasis on biology. The French revolution and
Saint-Simon, the original father of socialism, can perhaps be seen as
the last, logical development on this path. Progressive Christianity has
never been far from socialism, but rather is side by side as Lagerlöf
preferred. The weakening of kinship ties was, however, probably not as
big an issue for her as it would be for anthropologists.
Anthropologists of today differ radically from those in the late 19th
century and are, in particular, restrictive regarding universalities. Two topics where this is obvious are gender and kinship. The main focus
in recent years has been on the deconstruction of belief systems
supporting family ties, especially if there is a patriarch involved. According to Collier and Yanagisako (1987), Moore (1994), and other
feminist anthropologists, patriarchal dominance is an inseparable
socially inherited part of the conventional family system. Their
implicit suggestion of radical surgery does not, however, take into account unwanted secondary effects with segregated or
non-segregated sex-worlds. If oppression is related to gender
segregation, then there is a serious problem of intellectual survival
facing feminists themselves (Klevius, 1994, in press).
In the preindustrial and industrial society, men's and women's worlds
were completely segregated and boys had to be reared by men and girls by
women. Although that need does not exist today, girls are still often
reared in a segregated fashion. This trend is even stronger in the
totalitarian social state because of its feminized day care and school. It should surprise no one that there are even fewer female students in
Swedish higher technical education than in most of its competitor
countries. The high proportion of women in the Swedish parliament has no
relation to this fact. On the contrary, it seems plausible to argue that
the Swedish system with its few possibilities for pluralism in child
raising could give us the answer.
Swedish preschool and elementary school girls are, compared with
boys, far from "independent and energetic" as Barrie Thorne
(1993) put it, and if they were they would probably be bullied and
labeled "tomboyish" and "abnormal." Thorne, whose
observations were not made in Sweden, continues, "Why call a girl a
quasi boy just because she likes to dress comfortably, play sports,
climb trees, go on adventures, or have boys as companions?"
The feminists, though lacking any kind of generally agreeable theory,
emphasize the view of a society contaminated by women-hostile
"patriarchal thoughts." An alternative view, however, would
derive from the fact that women and men in most societies have lived in
separate (sex-segregated) spheres. When sex segregation as a consequence
of a changing world rather than of feminist efforts is no longer
absolute, the male advantage in a technical world becomes more obvious
(Klevius, in press).
Kristian Ramstedt (1996), in a study of Swedish students named
"Electrical Girls and Mechanical Boys," reported "strong
significant differences between classical mechanics, being an area
favoring boys, and electricity, being an area favoring girls." His
results are comparable to those of Karin Sandquist (1990, discussed
below) and to the above argument regarding sex segregation. The
understanding of mechanics is facilitated by well-developed spatial
brain areas (common in average men's brain profile) which in turn could be the
product of "boyish" activities in childhood. In contrast,
electricity is almost entirely based on mathematics and it is a
well-known fact that girls are more studious than boys.
Agneta Pleijel (1993) observed the apparent weakness in Swedish
girls' self-esteem, despite the high number of female workers and
feminine influence in day care, preschools and elementary schools. This
is in line with the view above. With disappearing gender separation, the
playroom for girls has widened dramatically. But how about their
possibilities in technical areas? Most of the girls are raised in
intimate contact with the ideals of their mothers. No wonder they do not
always fit so well, especially in technical fields. Consequently, in
Sweden there is much concern over the little interest girls show in
technical studies. Could it have something to do with the high number of
single mothers and absent fathers in Sweden, and in how this affects
Educator Karin Sandquist (1990) found that girls who have been raised
in intimate contact with or alone with their fathers are more
independent as adults and also reach higher educational levels than do
other girls. She reports that fathers stimulated their daughters in the
direction of natural sciences while their mothers stimulated them toward
studies in the social sciences. She also found that Swedish fathers, to
a higher degree than did American fathers, encouraged their daughters in
more masculine" fields. If they also had a son, the fathers still
paid at least the same attention to the success of their daughters.
Given the importance of fathers suggested by this study, it is
unfortunate that there are so many absent fathers in Sweden. Many of
them are unsuccessfully struggling for permission to see their
daughters. An unknown number of fathers are in jail for incest they have
not committed. In a Finnish study consisting of 7,000 15- to 16-year-old
children, the incest (sexual abuse at home) figures for girls raised by
their biological parents was less than .15 % while the figures for girls
living with step-fathers or in completely non-biological environments,
were 15 to 30 times higher (Sariola, 1990).
Exporting the Nordic Child Protection Model
The Nordic model, with its high degree of public organization of
social and individual life, is being exported through such channels as the UN Child Convention, the
European Union, and various women's organizations. Most of this is done
under the flag of child protection, and criticism of it is seen as a
backlash against those praiseworthy efforts. Unfortunately, child
protection defenders outside of the Nordic countries have not understood
the attack on kinship ties that is part of the non-pluralistic,
centralized, family-hostile Nordic social state model. Is this because
of the feminist rhetoric that accompanies discussion of the issues?
The Swedish child protection model's export success is illustrated by
a news report from Russia, where a healthy, well-groomed social worker
dressed in an expensive fur coat had removed the children from the
astonished, crying parents, who were living in a poor, shabby, but
functional household. Abducted children are then often put into
prison-like orphanages whereupon the social worker may add some more
saved children" to her career.
We must ask whether there is satisfactory protection for children
against the social authorities' arbitrariness and whether it is good for
children that their families and relatives are, according to these
authorities, suspect and of little importance to the children's welfare. Who wants, in the future, to have children if they belong to the state?
The world record for taking children into the custody of the state
away from their relatives was set during World War II. This movement was
initiated by the wife of a Swedish minister with connections to the Save
the Children organization and ended up with more than 60,000 Finnish
children placed into foster homes and institutions around Sweden. Although the Finns initially refused to send children, the Finnish
social democrats eventually agreed and even started a campaign to
support the eager efforts of the Swedish child protection women. Few, if
any, of these children were without care at home, but the Swedish
invitation and the inducements they were offered were hard for many
parents to resist. Today most of them regret what happened.
Individual Rights and Child Protection
The main characteristic of a Utopia is the absence of individual
rights. The combination of reformist eagerness and total ignorance of individual rights can make a social
democratic party the most dangerous force in the modern social world,
not least because so many women give their votes to it. The situation
resembles that of the German National Socialistic Party in the 1930s
except for the fact that now the evil comes through democracy, while
nationalism is blamed.
People labeled "unworthy of living" in Nazi Germany were,
in fact, to a large extent identified and picked up by female social
workers. At the same time and in the following decades, Sweden ran an
"eugenic institution" and interest focused on sterilizing people who
were not considered fit to be members in "the people's home of
Sweden." Many women died as a consequence of this
"hygienic" treatment (Broberg & Tyden, 1991).
Claudia Koonz (1988) describes the goal of Nazi Germany in Mothers in FatherLand as " ... a society where men and women live in
different worlds and the citizens' bodies first of all belong to the
state." Koonz also points out that the Nazi women expected
increased influence in ''women's areas'' such as social welfare,
education, and reproduction. It was quite shocking for them when they
finally understood that the family had no importance except for the
nation and the purity of the race.
The rule appears to be that the stronger the social state, the weaker
are families. In the women's congress in Peking, one of the few results
was a statement regarding strengthened rights for children against their
parents. This was initiated by Swedish socialists.
Most people believe, in sharp contrast to the reality, that Nordic
child protection is concerned about cases involving badly abused and
mistreated children. But, according to a large research project recently
carried out in Finland, proportionally few badly abused and mistreated
children are in biological families; most are living away from their
families (Sariola, 1990).
Pippi Longstocking, the world famous fighter against the child
protector "Pruseluskan," was originally published by her
creator, the Swedish writer Astrid Lindgren, in 1945, the same year Karl
Popper's The Free Society and its Enemies became available. Both books
defend freedom. In the case of Pippi, freedom is upheld against the
social state as well as against a limited "girls' world." It
is worth mentioning that Astrid Lindgren, the pride of Sweden, had to
escape from her country in 1926 because she was a single, poor, pregnant
woman and then gave birth to her first child in Denmark. The first
general child protection law had actually been ratified in Sweden in
1924. This historical law, three years after women's suffrage in Sweden,
was a creation of the same group of mostly socialistic women who had set
up the "Save the Children" organization a few years earlier. The Swedish "Save the Children" was also a major force behind
the UN Convention of Children's Rights and has been, perhaps not
illogically, an too overeager supporter of the sexual abuse hysteria in
Sweden (now confirmed in public by their own representative). They have,
for example, joined with a public educational institution for social
workers to invite the notorious psychiatrist Tilman Furniss to lecture
The system now functions in a way not totally unknown for previous
Soviet-bureaucrats. The Soviet Union, which actually clearly worried
Popper, has now fallen, while the Swedish "pruseluska" (child
welfare officer) who was always chasing Pippi, has grown even stronger
as has the social state which feeds her.
Long-term Effects of Adoption and Foster Placement
Most of the limited research regarding adopted and foster children
and their success as adults shows negative trends and in no way
justifies continuing the placements, except when there is no relative
available to care for the child. With few exceptions, biological ties
between children and those who raise them are a clear winner in the long
run. Adoption is undoubtedly superior to foster families or an
institutional environment, but even the best adoptive families (if not
biologically related), selected from the upper middle class, are
statistically outdistanced (Bohman, 1979) by poor, unemployed,
uneducated, single, biological mothers when it comes to crime and drug
abuse among their children at young adult age. Though children of such
disadvantaged single mothers are overrepresented among teenage
criminals, they are not as adults. Kin support is crucial and provides
significant long-term benefits (Flinn & England, 1995).
The effort that has been devoted to proving adoption to be a positive
measure is aptly illustrated by the Finnish psychiatrist Pekka Tienari
and his lifelong longitudinal study of Finnish adoptive families. In a paper published in 1994 in the
British Journal of Psychiatry,
Tienari tries to convince the reader of the positive effects resulting
from a good environment, on children adopted away from schizophrenic
biological mothers. But readers should check this article. I cannot find
evidence in it to support Tienari's proposition. On the contrary, it
leads to a number of questions regarding the methods used by the
research team, such as the weighing of the outcome of an interview with
a tool called OPAS, constructed by the interviewers themselves and the
validity of the records of "congruence between the interviewer's
and the interviewed family's view of the family." In my opinion,
their OPAS sounds dangerously like a suitable tool to prove just about
anything. Tienari, as many other Nordic psychiatrists, seems to have
been trapped for life in the visions of R. D. Laing in the 60s.
The Trading of Children
Professor in jurisprudence Jacob Sundberg, who has defended human
rights against the Swedish system for decades, became a serious
dissident on the University of Stockholm in the late eighties (the ius
docendi affair). His efforts and the incorporating of Sweden in the
European Union have forced the Swedish juridical system to pay attention
to what earlier was called the "strange thoughts of Catholic
reactionaries from the south." But the Swedish strategy now seems
to be an attempt to avoid these "strange thoughts" by lobbying
Today, the social state, more or less, runs its own race with little
dependence on political parties. The legal actions against children are
largely subjective; there are relatively few drug abusers, alcoholics,
and clearly mentally disturbed persons among the parents. This trading
of children has expanded beyond all imaginable limits, and today
constitutes one of the heaviest costs of the municipalities in Sweden. Thus, the proportion of foster children in Sweden is 6 to 12 times
higher than in Japan, a welfare state where, according to UN statistics,
the quality of children's lives is valued more highly than anywhere else
in the world. It hardly needs mentioning that Japan is the oldest and
most family-centered high-developed country in the world.
In fact, the interventions by social authorities has been roughly
proportional to juvenile delinquency. In Japan, child criminality is
still on a very low level whereas the Swedish figures may be among the
highest in the world. We are hampered in a realistic assessment about
this, however, since such cases are transferred to the social
authorities, out of reach for gathering statistics and international
For parents, the natural reason for having day care available for
children is the possibility of having a job. But the social state has
two quite different motives. First, they want to provide jobs connected
to the day care system. Second, they want to extend day care because it
is an excellent tool for "observing" the family. This day care
function most likely produces many mistaken wrong child abuse
accusations since it provides endless possibilities for
misunderstandings. The abuse accusations produce even more jobs for the
social sector. Behind the pleasant front of the typical Nordic day care
center, parents can perhaps sometimes imagine a monstrous will to
"take care" of their children around the clock and forever.
In Sweden, the authorities are also eager to take into custody
children from refugee families. They now want to change the domestic (LVU)
law so that if the family does not get permission to stay, the parents
have to go back without their children. In doing this they refer to the
UN convention of children's rights.
As a consequence of the considerable fees paid for foster children,
there has been a growing tendency in Sweden to establish commercial
"orphanages" and to order clients to them through connections
among the bureaucrats. Sometimes, the bureaucrat functions as a partner
in the orphanage business.
The social authorities in the Nordic countries maintain that whatever
measure they take "is in the best interest of the child" and
that this supersedes all other rules, policies or court rulings. Even if
parents should somehow manage to get a court order to have their child
returned to them, nothing can stop the social bureaucrats from
preventing them from visiting their child or from taking the child into
immediate custody again. A mother, going to the psychiatric hospital
where her child was locked in and showing the staff her court order, was
pushed down and injected with a heavy sedative "to prevent an
incipient psychosis from breaking out." Her child was then sent, in something resembling a transport of convicted prisoners, to a secret
address. Electrical fences, locked doors and fees from 12,000 to more
than 100,000, Sw. Cr. per month (compared with the Swedish family
allowance of 700, Sw. Cr. per month) are common in these kinds of places
(family homes in the lower end of this scale and treatment homes, which
sometimes do not differ that much, in the upper).
After such a clean sweep, what is left on the dining table to eat? There is not actually very much that presents itself in the way of
alternatives to a rigid, biological, fundamentalist society. Some sort
of protection, however, is needed for the free, atomized souls
inhabiting society, motherless and with limited or, in practice,
nonexisting kinship ties.
A rule of law based on human rights is clearly needed, but these
rights must be formulated in such a way that they provide a real bulwark
against the very real enemy threat — the social state. Individuals have to
be protected by the rights of the individual, in sharp contrast to the
collective (society's) rights of the socialistic ideology. Pluralism
versus centralized state power.
In conclusion, I should like to quote a hesitant Swedish feminist,
Maud Edwards (1983): "But can women trust the state to take care of
their interests? And will a society ruled and regulated by the state,
with poor possibilities of private life, benefit women?" This, I
argue, is a relevant question for women, men, and children all around
the world. Though it is a rare one, the book I should dearly like to
read, part II of Selma Lagerlöf's "The Miracles of
Antichrist" is even rarer because she never came to write it. My
guess is that its name might have been "Angels of Antichrist."
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Peter Klevius is a social anthropologist at
Landsvägen 11, S-17239 Sundbyberg, Stockholm 951011 Sweden.