Los Angeles: The State Threatens a Takeover
As of 1989, Los Angeles County had paid $18 million in settlements to children
who had been abused while in its custody. One such case involved a nine-year-old
boy who weighed only 28 lbs., and who could hardly speak after the suicides
of his parents. County social workers failed to visit him in his foster
home for four months. During that time, he was beaten, sodomized, burned
on his genitals, and nearly drowned by his foster parents. He became a spastic
paraplegic. By 1990, the state was threatening to take over Los Angeles
County's child welfare system (Hornblower, 1995). Change was fueled by a
scandal that forced the agency to relinquish control of foster care licensing
to the state. A state investigation had uncovered one foster care home in
which 10 children were sleeping on the floor of a garage, with 10 more-some
of them abused-in one room upstairs. Another home licensed for four children
had 20 infants in 10 cribs. (Little Hoover
Commission, 1992). The agency's
director was forced out of office, and Peter Digre took the helm as a reformer (Nazario, 1993).
In Los Angeles County, 26,947 children entered the foster care system for
the first time in 1995, according to the Los Angeles County Grand Jury (1997).
Did these children all arrive from abusive or neglectful households? Just
as in New York, many could safely have been left in their own homes according
to the testimony of department head Digre, who, under questioning by a Congressional
subcommittee, admitted to legislators that about half of the removals of
children from their homes in his system are due to poverty, and not abuse
or neglect. "It gets down to those very specific issues about a place
to live, food on the table, medical care, and things like that," he
explained, adding that "about half of the families are not physical
abusers, not sexual abusers, not people with propensities to violence, but
simply people who are struggling to keep ends pulled together and are eminently
salvageable." All of this was too much for a frustrated Congressman Herger, who replied: "Evidently, it is your department's practice to
remove children from families in about 50% of the cases because they don't
have enough money" (Committee on Ways and Means, 1993a).
A budget of nearly one quarter of a billion dollars is expended annually
on group home and foster care services in Los Angeles County, notes the
Grand Jury, and group homes have become a veritable growth industry under
Digre's command, jumping more than 250% between 1990 and 1995-fve times
the rate of the rest of California. Digre points the finger of blame at cutbacks
in AFDC benefits as responsible for the increase in foster care placements
under his command, having explained to reporters: "Families get caught
in a downward spiral: first their utilities are cut off so they can't keep
the baby bottles cold. Then they get behind in rent and move in with friend
or relatives who may have a criminal history" (Hornblower). While Digre
has always been quick to blame cutbacks in funding for these increases,
the Grand Jury points out that "the foster care caseload has been steadily
increasing since 1990, two years before the first maximum aid payment reduction."
The Grand Jury points out that the plight of children is often none the
better in state care, as they are often denied basic necessities-the lack
of which ostensibly led to their placement to begin with. About half of
the group homes the Grand Jury visited had no reference books, educational
toys, or games. About half the homes had furniture with missing drawers,
stains on the carpets, walls with holes, and bathrooms without toilet paper.
One site didn't even provide toothpaste to the children.
The Grand Jury also found that children were inappropriately being sedated
with psychotropic medications; children were denied promised rewards for
good behavior based on a point system; when group home owners did not want
to provide transportation for after school activities, they simply refused
to let the child participate; many group homes did not provide tutoring,
yet punished the children when they got poor grades. Moreover, many of the
group homes visited provided a physically abusive environment. The Grand
Jury explains that "some group home owners use inappropriate discipline
measures such as dragging children across the floor, throwing shoes at them,
slapping or hitting a child; others make children stand in a corner for
hours at a time."
The Grand Jury determined that money is "not expended in accordance
with federal, state, and local laws and regulations." Audits displayed
"significant financial abuses and illegal and inappropriate uses of foster
care funds in many of the homes audited." Even if the cost in terms
of human misery is to be set aside, this does not make sense when analyzed
from a purely fiscal standpoint, for rather than assist a family with a rent
voucher or utility deposit, the cost of which may be as little as a few
hundred dollars, the department will spend between $8,000 to $10,000 per
month to shelter one child at MacLaren Children's Center. Rather than assist
with housing or day care, it will spend a quarter of a billion dollars to
house poor children in dangerous foster homes, and in the county's 700 group
homes.
Providing meaningful oversight over a department which so relentlessly removes
so many children from their homes is impossible. An investigation conducted
by the California State Auditor (1996) reveals that the Los Angeles juvenile
court follows the recommendations of DCFS in 98% of the cases it hears-effectively
acting as a rubber-stamp for the department. Even if the rare brave judge
were inclined to provide some closer scrutiny to the department's claims,
it would be impossible, as the cumulative caseload of the Los Angeles juvenile
court consisted of 153,700 hearings in 1995, and 96,100 hearings during
the first seven weeks of 1996.
Agency policies are often driven by political winds, and Los Angeles provides
no exception to the rule. Apparently unsatisfied with the number of children
being removed from their homes, the Los Angeles County Board of Commissioners
called Digre on the carpet in 1998 demanding that more be taken. County
Supervisor Mike Antonovich led the charge by raising a motion, which was
unanimously approved. This motion stated that the county should come down
hard on parents who abuse substances by taking away their children. The
motion instructed a task force "to develop recommendations that place
child safety paramount above all other issues relating to addicted families."
The motion stated, in part: "If [parents] choose drugs, they will lose
their child. Drug-addicted parents waive their right to keep their children."
When asked to elaborate, Antonovich said he believes substance-abusing parents
should be given one chance to get sober, and if they fail, they should have
their children permanently removed. The board did not address the issue
of how to provide services to those drug- and alcohol-addicted parents who
comprise an estimated 15% of the county's population (Nazario, 1998).